[Milton-L] CHRISTOPHER HILL, A RESPONSE TO BILL SIMPSON
Alan Rudrum
rudrum at shaw.ca
Tue Nov 27 17:47:36 EST 2007
1. This is a long letter. Think of my long silence over the past
months and of the even longer silence that will fall very shortly.
2. A reminder: I have not read any of the ensuing correspondence, so
will not here be taking note of it.
3. Here I will respond to Bill Simpson and, implicitly, to an earlier
letter which I cannot now find, which suggested that it was a pity to
bring questions of political affiliation into our discussions.
4. Here is what I wrote, in a letter sent on November 15: "As I have
walked six blocks in the streets of Vancouver today without being
assaulted by the forces of law and order, I feel emboldened to make one
of my rare appearances on this site. Certainly, Christopher Hill as a
historian was rather like Bush and Blair as politicians: see the Downing
Street Memo, and so forth. ("Bush wanted to remove Saddam, through
military action, justified by the conjunction of terrorism and WMD. But
the intelligence and facts were being fixed around the policy.") That
is, he was wont to massage the evidence to fit his political biases; and
his book on Milton and the Bible is a mess. I understand that he was
almost certainly a Soviet agent: the English at that period produced a
quite colorful crop of traitors. HOWEVER, when Hill says "that Milton
wrote DDD because Mary walked out on him, which scholars of the divorce
tracts will tell you is not the case," I have my doubts about the
"scholars of the divorce tracts" rather than about Christopher Hill."
5. Bill Simpson in responding quoted what I said about Hill up to but
not including the capitalized word HOWEVER and what followed it and said
"Those sentences contain rancid trash and innuendo."
6. My first response to Bill Simpson's letter was one of shock and
horror. Did I really write that? So let me explain a little: my
writing was a brief respite from the fatigue and anxiety of caring for
my wife, who has been seriously ill, as some personal friends on the
list are aware, and more immediately from the sense of outrage after
seeing the video of the RCMP killing of the Polish immigrant at
Vancouver Airport, knowing that if past form is any guide their lies
will go unpunished and they will not see a day of jail time. It didn't
help that I was severely sleep deprived, running a high temperature, and
full of pain-killers at the time (my injured back has been threatening
to put me into hospital yet again, something that as a caregiver I want
to avoid). I had no intention of stirring up a hornet's nest, and it
did not occur to me that what I wrote would do just that. No wonder
sleep-deprivation is part of the torturers' bag of tricks.
7. My dismay was compounded by the fact that I could not recall how I
had been induced to believe that Christopher Hill might have been a
Soviet agent. I do not know whether it came from something I read or
from a conversation in the King's Arms or at some conference.
8. Then my editorial self came into play; and I saw that the gist of
what I wrote in my delirium had its logic: "When I have said the worst
that might be said about Hill as a scholar and as a communist, /and have
said it in the vilest possible terms/, I have my doubts about the
"scholars of the divorce tracts" rather than about Christopher Hill."
In other words, I put a great weight on one side of the equation /in
order to emphasize the greater weight on the other side/, which said
that in my view Christopher Hill was right. Bill Simpson's selective
quotation ignored that, suggesting one respect in which he has learned
from Hill as mentor (see paragraph 15 below).
9. It then occurred to me to look into the /Oxford Dictionary of
National Biography/, where I found the following, - rather long, but for
the benefit of those who cannot get at the ODNB, and in response to Bill
Simpson's "I have never read any allegation or heard even an inferential
hint that he was a Soviet spy or a traitor to his country":
"Towards the end of his life and after his death Hill's wartime service
in the Foreign Office led to charges that he had concealed his political
affiliations, while acting as a Soviet mole and giving prejudiced advice
about Stalin's intentions in eastern Europe. These accusations, which
had always seemed to rely more on innuendo than hard fact, looked even
less plausible when the archival record of Hill's service was examined.
The main issue concerned a Committee on Russian Studies, on which Hill
sat and of one of whose sub-committees he was secretary, which made some
rather tentative plans for the teaching of Russian in post-war Britain.
The committee was concerned about the possible difficulties that could
arise from the number of Russian exiles teaching the language, whose
hostile views might endanger future Anglo-Soviet relations. Among the
various proposals was one to employ Soviet citizens among other
instructors, a perfectly familiar arrangement for other languages,
although in this case it is easy to imagine that security problems would
have arisen of a kind few would have foreseen in 1944--5. This
suggestion was clearly one made by the committee as a whole, and there
is nothing to indicate that Hill played a notably prominent role in such
decisions.
After the war Hill returned to Oxford and his academic career; until
1957, however, he was also deeply involved in the activities of the
Communist Party. He would always remember the meetings of the
historians' group, with such friends and colleagues as Dona Torr, Rodney
Hilton, Victor Kiernan, Eric Hobsbawm, and A. L. Morton, as the centre
of his intellectual life over this period, but he also wrote a good deal
of what he later described as 'more or less hack party stuff' for a
wider audience. An important moment was the foundation of the historical
journal /Past and Present/ in 1952, in which Hill was one of the prime
movers.
The events of 1956, with Khrushchev's secret speech to the twentieth
party congress, then the Soviet invasion of Hungary, threw the British
Communist Party into disarray. For Hill and most of his friends the
intellectual dishonesty practised by the leadership became intolerable,
with its denial of obvious facts that needed to be confronted. Many left
the party immediately. Hill remained for some months longer, serving as
a member of the commission on inner party democracy, with which the
leadership tried to appease its critics; he finally resigned after
presenting a minority report that was voted down overwhelmingly at the
party congress in the spring of 1957. Much later he would express his
feeling that those who resigned too precipitately had ensured the
ultimate demise of the party, but this was surely one of those rare
occasions when he allowed sentiment to cloud his judgment, since his
principled stand was doomed to fail even had they stayed on to support
him. After this he would never engage in active politics again, although
he remained instinctively a man of the left, and maintained many of the
personal relationships that dated back to these years."
I am perfectly happy to accept the view of the ODNB article that Hill
was not in fact a Soviet agent. But supposing he had been, and, as
Bill Simpson writes, "the people at Oxford University seem not have to
regarded him with any such
suspicion," so what? Should we have expected them to? And figuring out
who was or was not a Soviet agent is not easy, unless their names happen
to be Guy Burgess, Donald Maclean, Kim Philby, Gordon Lonsdale or
Anthony Blunt. In early December of 2005, having already read Peter
Wright's /Spy Catcher/, I read Miranda Carter's book on Anthony Blunt.
You may recall that the British Government went to great lengths to try
to prevent Wright from publishing /Spy Catcher/, and he was only able to
do so because the Australian government allowed it. Wright had strong
suspicions about Sir Roger Hollis, head of MI5; Dick White, in his
/ODNB/ biography of Hollis, casts doubt on this; but Dick White had not
I think ever worked in the field himself, or run agents; he was an
administrator. Miranda Carter, in her biography of Blunt, writes of
Peter Wright as a conspiracy-theorist, but what she writes herself makes
it clear that investigations by Wright and one of his colleagues were
deliberately impeded. I did not get far into /The Mitrokhin Archive/ --
the holidays came to an end, - so have no opinion on whether Hollis was
or was not a Soviet agent.
10. Where am I coming from? The question that undergraduates used to
love to ask. If I had been born twenty years earlier (I shall be 75 on
November 30), I might well have joined the CP myself. As it is, I have
always voted for the nearest approximation to a left-wing party that
Canada has to offer, short of any CP there might have been. I let my
membership lapse after discovering while volunteering for the provincial
NDP that they had made a secret pact with the outgoing government to
fatten politicians' pension entitlements. I do not need Bill Simpson to
tell me of the achievements of left-wing historians, and am aware of the
difficulties CP membership created for some of them. George Rudé
joined the University of Adelaide the year after I did, after failing to
get a university position in the UK and after being turned down by the
Univ. of Tasmania because of his politics. He was appointed by another
brilliant Balliol scholar, Hugh Stretton, whom I remember with
gratitude. I was glad to see George saluted, in the foreword to the
1987 English translation of Richard Cobb's great work /Les armées
révolutionnaires/, as one of Cobb's pioneering predecessors.
11. The best friend of my schooldays was recruited into the CP in
1951-52. We were sharing a room at the time, and he was recruited by an
international chess master who lived in the same lodging house, the only
non-student there. That party membership might have involved a call to
clandestine activity at some point seems suggested by the fact that my
friend did not tell me about it, when until then we had had no secrets
from one another. His mother being a realist, she had arranged for him
to send a bag of clothing home every weekend to be washed, and as he was
a careless lad she found the evidence, was distressed and contacted me
about it. (One or two members of this list, who experienced my friend at
Durham conferences, will chuckle at the reference to his mother's
realism). In 1951-52 my friend would have been no more than eighteen.
Christopher Hill was by then forty or so.
12. By 1956 Hill, who resigned from the party because "the intellectual
dishonesty practised by the leadership became intolerable, with its
denial of obvious facts that needed to be confronted," had already
swallowed a great deal. He must have known long before 1956 of the
Katyn massacre, he must have known of the show trials, surely he had
read Koestler's /Darkness at Noon/ (1940) and George Orwell's /Homage to
Catalonia/, described by the ODNB as "a supreme description of trench
life (lice and boredom), but also a trenchant and detailed exposure of
how the communists risked the whole republican cause in their lust for
power and in their zeal to suppress all other socialists." He had
surely read /Animal Farm/ which "at least four leading publishers
(Gollancz, T. S. Eliot for Faber, Jonathan Cape, and Collins) turned
down as inopportune while Russia was an ally." And surely he had read
/Nineteen Eighty-Four/. On Orwell generally I recommend Cora Diamond's
essay "Truth: Defenders, Debunkers, Despisers" in Leona Toker, ed.,
/Commitment in Reflection: Essays in Literature and Moral Philosophy/,
New York and London, 1944. Cora Diamond argues that what appalled
Orwell most about totalitarian regimes was not their cruelty but their
suppression of truth.
13. I wonder what sort of work Christopher Hill undertook for the CP.
Was he unaware of the part the CP played at Cowley in bringing the
British motor industry to its knees, or was he there at the beginning of
working days, handing out leaflets? You just had to be there, at the
beginning of any working day, right until the seventies, to see what was
going on. I found it fascinating, out there on my training runs, just as
academic Oxford was getting out of bed. It is of course impossible to
quantify the impact of Communists in post-war England, bankrupted as it
had been by WW II, but clearly they were beavering away within the Ban
the Bomb movement and in the mining areas. I well remember the winter
of playing chess by candle-light for the Oxford City team in Oriel
College, wearing overcoat, scarf, and hat -- I dare say they played a
part in that.
14. I sympathize with the desire to stay within a movement in which one
has strong intellectual friendships, but staying within the Communist
party, knowing what was known by 1956, seems to me extraordinary and
worse than what was done in, for example, the Anglican church, where
some bishops and Oxford professors of divinity recited the creeds, while
believing them only in a symbolic sense.
15. I said in my letter that Hill "was wont to massage the evidence to
fit his political biases." And I have heard some quite distinguished
American historians say the same. Here is what the ODNB life says: "His
methods of work could lead to some intellectual problems, for on
occasion he was vulnerable to charges that he took quotations out of
context, and that he disregarded evidence that worked against his case."
16. Robert Conquest is quoted as saying in relation to John Cornford,
who was killed in the Spanish Civil War, "not even high intelligence and
a sensitive spirit are of any help once the facts of a situation are
deduced from a political theory, rather than vice versa." That seems to
me applicable to some of Hill's colleagues. On the subject of Eric
Hobsbawm, an "unrepentant communist" at the age of 85, Google him for an
article in /The Guardian/ of September 14, 2002.
Here I shall transcribe what seems to me a relevant paragraph from
Victoria Glendinning's biography of Leonard Woolf, who spent much of his
life working for the left. I have divided it into two parts, and the
second part is the more important here:
What Leonard Woolf's critics were asking was: Where exactly does he
stand? Which side is he on? He had to answer this question many times
in his life as a socialist, and his answers were consistent: 'Where you
go wrong is thinking that freedom of thought is somehow a crime in a
socialist and that socialism consists in a continuous mumbling and
remumbling of phrases from Marx, Lenin and Stalin and abuse of people
who differ from you on any point at all.
In /Barbarians at the Gate/ he described himself as 'a Marxian
Socialist --but only 'up to a point.'" The importance of a point is
'not that it has position without magnitude, but that it is always a
test of mental sanity. There is a point up to which the sane man
believes a doctrine and says 'yes' -- beyond which he disbelieves and
says 'no'. (That is why the mentally sane have such an uncomfortable
time in a world composed largely of doctrinal lunatics) (p.310).
17. Finally, what do I think of Christopher Hill, when all this is
said? /In relation to his academic work/, my reservations are minor. I
recommended his /Century of Revolution/ to my upper-division students.
I think that although by his own account he came to a study of the
period because of his reading in the poets, he was not an especially
good literary critic; and a number of his essays do not go much beyond
stating the obvious, - but that is only to consider them as addressed to
professional students of the period who had read the sources
themselves. My reservations are minor compared to the reservations I
have about a good many other scholars. Much of the "mess" I referred to
in relation to his book on the bible, as I said in my review, should be
blamed on the publisher.
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